There Is Nothing New About New Social Movements †Sociology Essay

There Is Nothing New About New Social Movements – Sociology Essay Free Online Research Papers There Is Nothing ‘New’ About New Social Movements Sociology Essay Movements such as the students movement and peace movements that took place in the late 1960s served both to define the era as one of distinct social and political unrest, and also to mark the emergence of a new form of social movements. These new movements differed in many ways to the workers movements that had been most prominent in industrial society. As Scott (1990) outlines, the focus of the new movements stretched further than political issues and rested firmly in notions such as values, morals and lifestyles, and at the same time resisting incorporation into institutionalised politics. (Scott 1990 p.14) In the study of new social movements, Giddens (1991), Kriesi (1995) and Scott (1990) have stressed that the main defining characteristics of these movements is their emphasis on cultural issues of lifestyle and identity, and their location within civil society. Whether or not the term ‘new’ now remains a valid description for contemporary social movements is a question that calls for a detailed analysis of the new movements distinguishing features as well as the historical point at which these movements emerged. Such an analysis shall be the focus for this discussion, involving comparisons to ‘older’ types of movements and their organisational structure, motiv ations, aims and ideologies. In Scott’s (1990) analysis, it is suggested that the labelling of specific movements in recent times as ‘new’ may have arisen through recent changes within society that have served to motivate such movements. A change in the style and conduct of a social movement can indeed reflect a change in society and social structures, as well offer reasons for mobilisation, as social changes bring about different pressures on different social groups, thus motivating a movement. All social movements can be referred to as a reaction to a common set of circumstances, and thus as circumstances to which society is subjected to change over time, new ways of challenging and attempts to change circumstances have arisen in the form of new social movements. The period following the Second World War is an interesting point in history on which to focus, as it marks the shift from industrial to post-industrial society, as well as the shift to late modernity. These profoundly social chang es are key factors that led to the emergence of new social movements, as they brought about the erosion of rigid class structures and traditional morals and values within society, leading ultimately to individualisation and a higher degree of self awareness. This resulted in the formation of minority groups and consequently their efforts to establish and maintain an identity through new social movements. This ideology is one much focused upon by Giddens (1991) in his analysis of modernity, and shall be returned to later in the discussion. In order to provide a sound foundation for the argument for the ‘new’ social movements, a conceptual analysis of the movements must first be made and compared with more traditional forms of movements. A conceptual analysis involves the identification of the movements main characteristics such as movements aims, demands, ideologies and organisational structures. The contrasting concepts of the workers movements and new social movements, such as the ecology movement and peace movement, provide a strong footing for arguing the relative ‘newness’ of contemporary social movements. Table 1, extracted from Scott’s (1990) analysis summarises the key distinctions between these two types of movement. Table 1 – Points of contrast between new movements and the workers’ movement: Workers’ Movement New Social movements Location increasingly within the civil society polity Aims political integration/ changes in values and economic rights lifestyles/defence of civil society Organisation formal/hierarchical network/grass roots Medium of action political mobilisation direct action/cultural innovation (Source: Scott 1990 p.19) Through examination of these distinct differences between the two types of movements, it is possible to justify the new movements as ‘new’, as they incorporate an entirely different set of concepts and are also more loosely organised movements. Perhaps the most profound difference in the new movements is their location within civil society and not within the polity, and in fact the lack of any specific political aims or actions. The focus of the new movements lies within areas such as personal freedoms, identity promotion, and individual rights, which is a move away from the aims of more political and industrial related movements. Scott (1990) provides the best summary of the aims of these new movements: â€Å" On the basis of much recent discussion of new movements, we can characterise their aims broadly as bringing about social change through the transformation of values, personal identities and symbols. These movements are identity involving and transforming, they self-consciously manipulate symbols and they challenge entrenched values. This can be best achieved through the creation of alternative life-styles and the discursive re-formation of individual collective wills.† (Scott 1995 p.18) Much of the new movements therefore aim to promote a different lifestyle, a safer environment or issues such as gay and lesbian rights, bringing such subjects out of the private and into the public domain. Mobilisation of such movements has been brought about by the discrimination or alienation of minority groups who aim to promote their identities and argue their cause. The processes of modernisation and technological advancement since the Second World War has allowed minority groups to substantiate themselves and project their identities through media that was not previously available to them. Global news coverage of social movements and technologies such as the internet are relatively new in the historical timeline of social movements, and thus their social significance has increased only in recent times, as these new media allow the global unification of minority groups and more effective movement organisation. These new technologies and means of global communication are directly linked to the notion of modernity, on which much of Giddens’ (1991) work is focused. Modernity, or rather Late Modernity, as Kriesi et al (1995) and Giddens (1991) agree, is a factor that lies at the heart of this discussion of new social movements. It is a notion that has given rise to new social structures and social groups which mobilise into new social movements as a response to the profound change in social circumstances brought about by modernity and the shift to a post-industrial society. Kriesi (et al 1995), offers insight into popular thinking on modernity and its impacts on social values and structures in the following extract: â€Å" We believe, indeed, that the rise of new social movements was intimately linked to the slow, but profound transformation of the societies conflict structure in the course of the macro historical process of modernisation. This transformation implies, first of all, a weakening of traditional cleavages in which people are free from traditional ties of class, religion, and the family. The result has been an unprecedented degree of individualisation, but not the dissolution of structural and cultural bonds altogether.† (Kriesi et al 1995 p. xxvii) The post industrial stages of late modernity is indeed the point at which society, moreover in western states, experienced a distinct change in structure, eroding long standing traditions and class structures. The emergence of the new middle classes in the 1960s served to further this process. Replacing formal class structures were new smaller groups within society, each eager to establish an identity and uphold individual civil rights. Recent structural and cultural transformations are the roots of many of the new social movements, many of which are located within the new middle classes. The increase of citizens working in the service sector since the 1960s has brought about new issues and conflicts between small groups included in the middle class. Kriesi (1995) states that much of the work in this sector is related to organisation and control of individuals through management of personnel, and many of the disputes that take place within this sector are tied to the control of the w orkplace and personnel and their freedoms and rights. (Kriesi et al 1995) Whereas previous movements such as workers movements have fought political battles, the conflicts in the contemporary workplace remain rooted in notions of identity and the rights of individuals such as women and ethnic minorities. This fact alone provides another means of justifying the ‘newness’ of such social movements, as the aims and location within society a markedly different from previous politically tied movements, where such issues were not included. Giddens’ (1991) analysis of new social movements and their relation to what is referred to as ‘high modernity’ allows a greater insight into how modernisation and its recent socio-cultural impacts have motivated the new movements. Giddens states that modernisation has lead to a profound increase in self-awareness and self-promotion, both issues incorporated into his notion of ‘life politics’. New forms of social control that have arisen in recent years target new emerging groups in society which has lead in turn to new oppressive forces to which many new movements are a reaction to. The movements have also been actuated by responses against minority groups resulting from increasing local-global relations. â€Å" It becomes more and more apparent that lifestyle choices, within the settings of local-global relations, raise moral issues that cannot simply be pushed to one side. Such issues call for forms of political engagement which new social movements both presage and serve to initiate.† (Giddens 1991 p.9) This extract serves to focus the attention of this discussion to how local events and newly emerged groups can establish themselves in global issues of lifestyle and identities, provoking reactions and thus social movements, all enabled through a high degree of global connectivity. The technologies that enable this series of events are recent introductions to society, therefore showing the new movements to in fact remain ‘new’, as reactions to small scale events and distant minority groups were difficult, if not impossible in early industrial society. The anti-globalisation movement provides another sound example of a new social movement, motivated by the shared experience of circumstances around the world, as the process is in its nature global. Politics, stated so far as a feature of more traditional social movements, is of course at the centre of this issue, however the impacts of the process on cultures and individuals also strongly motivate the movement. Globalisation, a very recent phenomenon has resulted from modernisation, and is such closely tied with many social and cultural changes that have taken place recently. Corporatism lies at the heart of the process, as large corporations move into international territories, expanding their hold on global markets, as well as meeting with strong resistance both within home states and foreign territories. Anti-corporatism movements, as analysed by Crossley (2003), is a contemporary social movement that displays many of the characteristics of the new social movements outlined by Sc ott (1990). Crossley argues that the reaction against the process of corporate domination has arisen through the evident ‘cultural impoverishment’ that it creates through intrusive advertising, corporate take-overs of small firms and widespread cultural homogenisation. (Crossley 2003 p.290) Rationalisation is also central to his explanation for new social movements, as is that of Scott (1990) and Giddens (1991). The following extract gives insight into this thinking: â€Å" Integral to the process of rationalisation, however, has been the uncoupling of these two forms of activity [religion and tradition] from the normative core of society, such that each has become an arena for relatively free utilitarian action†¦.As political and economic agents, in modern societies, we make a choice about what is best for us and pursue that choice in a strategic fashion. We are not, or at least need not be, bound by normative considerations or traditions.† ( Crossley 2003 p.292) This brings to light the fact that in modern society, we are freed from the constraints of religion and tradition and thus free to voice opinions and take actions against oppressive and intrusive events and forces. Modern society is arguably becoming more and more rational, and this coincides with the recent emergence of new social movements that campaign for individual rights and freedoms, as well as ecology movements that benefit all. The discussion has so far argued the case for the ‘newness’ of new social movements, emphasising that a conceptual change in the movements themselves as well as changes in society brought about by ‘high modernity’ have motivated these movements. The fact that the new movements are reaction to a common set of circumstances which are firmly located in the time period of the last 40 years suggests that they are indeed relatively new in the long history of social movements. Therefore the classification of the new movements as ‘new’ is dependant upon how they are viewed in relative terms. The students movement and anti-Vietnam protests marked the point in history where society began to voice its views on personal rights and freedoms, and when compared to highly organised and more formally conducted movements previously in history, they were in fact profoundly new in their nature. Of course, all social movements are a reaction against a shared set of circumstances and fuelled by shared grievances, and in this sense, all social movements are fundamentally the same. However it must be emphasised that issues of identity, symbols, culture and personal freedoms are the focus of these new movements and thus clearly distinguish them from other movement families. Bibliography: Crossley, N. 2003 – â€Å"Even newer social movements? Anti-Corporate protests, Capitalist Crises and the Remoralisation of Society† – Organization Articles Vol. 10(2) pp.287-305 Sage, London Giddens, A. 1991 – â€Å"The Consequences of modernity† Cambridge Polity Press Kriesi, H., Koopmans, R., Dyvendak, J., Giugni, M. 1995 – â€Å"New Social Movements in Europe – A comparative analysis† – University Minnesota Press, Minneapolis. 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Professionalization of modern sport For Profit or Glory Essay - 1

Professionalization of modern sport For Profit or Glory - Essay Example The twenty-first century has been characterised by numerous transformations that have seen football and in particular the English Premier League being commercialised and turned into a multi-billion business investment from which the owners and investors are reaping billions of pounds in revenues (Roster and Shropshire, 2011). For this reason, the last decade saw the three top-flight league clubs Chelsea, Manchester United, and Manchester City being auctioned and sold out to investors – a move that significantly changed the operations and impacted the management of the clubs. However, some opponents argue that the multi-billion takeovers were healthy for the clubs since the investors have vast amounts of disposable incomes to hire and attract world class players from across the globe as well as be able to maintain their huge wages. Although, this has not been the situation because many of these clubs, currently face various challenges that have become threats to their future competitiveness (Ferguson, 2013). The Manchester United faces a number of governance issues that have their roots in the 2005 take over and the recent challenges of corporate governance practices. The moment the Glazers announced their planned takeover of Manchester United, the news elicited mixed reactions from the loyal and die-hard supporters of the club. A significant number of them were opposed to the move since they wanted Manchester United to remain a community club with no designated owner because they feared a single investor would take over ownership and impose his will on the management of the organisation, which would be against their wish. For this reason, the supporters organised peaceful demonstrations that were coupled with a number of petitions to the ministry of culture to bare and nullify the deal from being procured. Unfortunately, the contract was sealed, and the Glazers obtained a seventy percent stake in

Emergency Management Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Emergency Management - Essay Example It mainly manufactures cars and trucks, with famous brands like Cadillac, Buick, Pontiac, Chevrolet and Opel etc. The company operates worldwide in 34 countries (General Motors, 2008a). According to the accounts from our employees, the tornado powerfully ravaged our Sport Utility Plant and torn off some metal shield from the Plant. But our employees have carefully hidden themselves in the protective basement that was built for this purpose. However, only one of our employees, a supply truck driver, was hospitalized and our Plant was shut down for weeks as a result of ruins left behind by the tornado. However, our employees also suffered massive loss of their personal property and materials as the tornado devastated their homes. In spite of our enviable Health and Safety Scheme, which includes using the best technologies in the world to ensure that our employees are safe in the face of any disasters, natural or artificial, it is necessary that a new crisis management plan should be set up. We already have an alarm system that quickly alerts our employees of any impending dangers. I would suggest that the following systems be implemented for optimal performance: Legal backing: We have approached the Governor of Oklahoma to assist us with a legal backing in form of a Tornado Relief Bill that would give tax credits and other financial assistance to GM employees that have lost their valuable property during the disaster (Allbusiness, 2003). I take the blame for not suggesting all these important facts before the disaster struck. I am sure that with these ideas I have given above, we would be able to prevent future great damage to our

Chinese Politics Essay Example for Free

Chinese Politics Essay Subject: Chinese media need democratizing and building up credibility Recommendations: Chinese media can be more democratic and credible by reporting timely, openly and accurately; getting officials involved into social media and setting up Journalism Award to recognize outstanding news organizations and individual journalists. Summary: This memo introduces the autonomy of Chinese media and the increasing dissatisfaction both domestically and internationally. It also proposes three recommendations to help Chinese media become more democratic and credible, that are reporting timely, openly and accurately; getting officials involved into social media and setting up Journalism Award to recognize outstanding news organizations and individual journalists. Background: Chinese government fears that the free flow of information through media could threaten the party rule. Therefore, it makes a huge effort to censor the newspaper, magazines and television and Internet, ensuring Chinese media sends out the voice of the party and central government. The Internet is under government scrutiny through â€Å"Great Firewall†, which blocks many foreign sites and censor information and news deemed sensitive. Media restrictions and block not only reduce the credibility of Chinese media, but also damage the image of the party. Starved of uncensored information and unconstrained public opinion, Chinese people dissatisfy with government’s control in media, inspire social resistance and demand for freedom of information and expression. Therefore, it’s time for Chinese media reform, which need democratizing and setting up credibility. Analysis: Chinese media should build up credibility by reporting timely, openly and accurately on breaking news events. Media is hard to make a breakthrough, considering the slow reaction, lack of the in-depth report, and cover-up the accident. Wenchuan Earthquake in 2008 is one of the cases. After overseas media reporting the news for 10 minutes, CCTV was still silent. Five days later, there was saturated coverage of achievements of rescue efforts in Sichuan. The report‘s coverage was narrow and lack in depth, mainly about where did Chinese leaders visit and what did they ask to the victims. High-speed train accident in Wenzhou is another example. Netizens attacked the government’s response of burying the wreckage, muzzling media coverage and forcing the journalists focus on rescue efforts. Media restrictions and block not only reduce the credibility of Chinese media, but also damage the image of the party. Therefore, Chinese media need improvements in providing timely, openly and accurately information, ensuring the citizens’ right to know. Government should encourage officials getting involved into social media by setting up account, getting official message across, interacting with citizens and reacting to the criticisms. Social media has been flourished in China. As the most influential social media in China, Weibo(Microblogs) serves as a â€Å"fire alarm† to the government. Weibo is a real-time, high-speed information channel, which is widely used by 350 million Internet users. It touches large and impactful public sphere, such as food safety, corruption, environment issue, and drives the entire national dialogue. Right now, it is good to see that many government departments jump into social media, get official message across, embrace communication with their constituents, and react to criticisms. According to a recent report released by Sina. com, there are 50,947 different government entities with Weibo accounts, in which 33,132 represented government organs and 17,815 represented specific government officials. However, there is still plenty of room for China’s bureaucracy fully joined the social media. However, when different departments and officials join into social media, it might trigger some problems, such as fragmentation of institutional authority and cross-region operations. For example, Chinese media report to different government departments. At the national level, Chinese media is divided by cable, telecommunications, and press network. And media belong to different local government, which do not want other regions to participate into its local events. In face of the problems, central government should enhance the communication and collaboration among different media channels and local governments, and put more effort on the supervision at central level. Government should set up Journalism Award to recognize outstanding news organizations and individual journalists that have integrity, social responsibilities and outstanding contribution in their work. Censorship, persecution, arrests hinder the breakthrough of Chinese media. Most of the complaints and criticisms against government have been filtered out. Wang Qinglei, former producer of CCTV â€Å"24 Hours† news program, was suspended from his job because his reports questioned the cause of the train crash and question the number of victims. It reveals the weakness of Chinese media regime: citizens are constrained to self-expression and Chinese media loses its function as a communication tool. Therefore, the government should give selective incentives to encourage public expressing their opinions and making critical points. (word count 750) . [ 1 ]. Xiaoling Zhang, Control, Resistance and Negotiation: How the Chinese media carve out greater space for autonomy. [ 2 ]. There Are More Than 50,000 Government Accounts on Sina Weibo, http://www. techinasia. com/50000-government-accounts-sina-weibo/ [ 3 ]. Hu, Zhengrong, â€Å"Towards the Public: the Dilemma in Chinese Media Policy Change and Its influential factors†, Joan Shorenstein Center Press, Dec 2005. [ 4 ]. Status of Chinese People, â€Å"Chinese journalists suspended for reporting train disaster† http://chinaview. wordpress. com/2011/08/04/chinese-journalists-suspended-for-reporting-train-disaster/.

The Passive Voice Essays -- Research Paper Language Papers

The Passive Voice The English language has two voices--the active and the passive. The active voice and the passive voice differ in that a passive verb phrase has an additional auxiliary BE followed by an EN participle. In a sense, the English passive is "inflexible" when compared to the passive formation of other languages. For example, some languages use word order, verb inflections, and impersonal constructions to form the passive voice. In their book, The Grammar Book: ESL/EFL Teacher's Course, Celce-Murcia and Larson-Freeman demonstrate how the Bantu passive voice differs from the English passive voice. "Kingarwanda, a Bantu language, can make even a locative phrase the subject of the passive as in On the bus was eaten a sandwich by John, which would not be acceptable in English" (221). Furthermore, topicalization is another "grammar issue" which differs from language to language. In the Kingarwanda sentence, On the bus was eaten a sandwich by John, the center of attention or the topic of the sen tence is the phrase On the bus. Since languages have different rules which govern topicalization, several languages may not accept On the bus as the topic of a sentence. In the book, Clear and Coherent Prose, William Vande Kopple discusses topicalization in the English language. Kopple states that the English language uses topicalizers to "fulfill special functions in essays" (41). Several of these functions are: focusing the reader's attention on a specific part of a sentence, expressing given or "old" information at the beginning of a sentence, marking changes in topics, and lastly, setting contrasts between one topic and another (41). Since there are differences in topicalization and the formation of the passive voice, no... ...I must make my students aware of these differences. Moreover, I want my student to understand both the active and the passive voice and be able to choose which voice to use in their writing. Works Cited Aghbar, Ali. The New York Times Editorial Corpus. Alexander, L. G. Longman of English. New York: Longman Inc., 1988. Besnier, N., and Edward Finegan. Language: Its Structure and Use. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1989. Celce-Murcia, M., and Diana Larson-Freeman. The Grammar Book: An ESL/EFL Teacher's Course. Massachusetts: Newbury House Publishers Inc., 1983. Kaplan, J. P. English Grammar: Principles and Facts. New York: Prentice-Hall, 1989. Kopple, William Vande. Clear and Coherent Prose: A Functional Approach. Boston: Scott, Foresman and Company, 1989. Lyles, B. A Basic Grammar of Modern English. New York: Prentice-Hall, 1989.

Coherence in life Essay

However, Fisher points out that we need specific guidance in the form of features that narratives must display (rather than merely the effects they may have) in order to decide â€Å"whether or not they are deserving of our adherence† (1997:315). This is what coherence and fidelity, the two basic principles that define narrative rationality and that embody the concept of good reasons in Fishers paradigm, allow us to do. Ð  narrative may be â€Å"tested† in relation to three types of coherence: structural or argumentative; material; and characterological. Structural coherence relates to internal consistency whether or not the narrative reveals contradictions within itself. Material coherence is Ð ° question of how Ð ° narrative relates to other narratives that cover the same issue and that we are familiar with. More specifically, Ð ° narrative can be tested with respect to the â€Å"facts† it might downplay or ignore the counterarguments it chooses not to engage with, and so forth. Characterological coherence assumes that the reliability of any narrative depends very largely on the credibility of its main characters as well as the characters narrating it. If the decisions and actions associated with Ð ° character change significantly â€Å"in strange ways† (Fisher 1997:316) or contradict each other, we inevitably question the credibility of the character and hence the narrative in question, Fisher indicates that, â€Å"Coherence in life and literature requires that characters behave characteristically. Without this kind of predictability, there is no trust, no rational order, no community† (1997:316) Hence, once we decide that Ð ° given person is trustworthy, honorable, courageous, and so on, we are prepared to â€Å"overlook and forgive many things: factual errors if not too dramatic, lapses m reasoning, and occasional discrepancies. In addition to testing for coherence, we also test narratives for fidelity, Here, the focus is on assessing (Ð °) the elements of Ð ° narrative that may be regarded as its reasons and (b) the values that the narrative promotes. For Fisher good reasons are â€Å"those elements that provide warrants for accepting or adhering to the advice fostered by any form of communication that can be considered rhetorical. Fisher stresses, however, that the concept of good reasons â€Å"does not imply that every element of rhetorical transaction that warrants Ð ° belief, attitude, or action that any ‘good reason’-is as good as any other. It only signifies that whatever is taken as Ð ° basis for adopting Ð ° rhetorical message is inextricably bound to Ð ° value-to Ð ° conception of the good. Assessing the values explicitly or implicitly promoted by Ð ° narrative means asking what effects adhering to it would have on the world, on our ability to maintain our sense of self respect, and on our relationship to others. As Fisher argues, we ultimately have to ask â€Å"even if Ð ° prima facie case has been made or Ð ° burden of proof has been established, are the values fostered by the story those that would constitute an ideal basis for human conduct? † (1997:317) It is this ability to judge narratives on the basis of their moral implications and the values they promote that ultimately guides human behavior and allows communities to gather around Ð ° given narrative or set of narratives. Fisher’s narrative paradigm has two principal strengths in the current context. First, because it privileges moral values, it explains why activist communities can form across boundaries of nation, color, gender, profession, and almost any other division one can think of, without any motivation of personal gain-indeed, often at great personal risk to individual members of the community. Second, the narrative paradigm goes beyond explaining why communities emerge and unite around narratives, It specifically anchors this process in the notions of narrative rationality and good reasons, which imply considerable agency on the part of individuals and communities. As storytellers we do more than â€Å"choose† from prevalent narratives in our own societies If we judge the moral consequences of these narratives negatively, we can look elsewhere for â€Å"better† narratives or even elaborate narratives of our own. This is precisely what communities of activists, including those forming within the professional world of translation, attempt to do-they organize and select narratives on the basis of â€Å"good reasons†, looking beyond the dominant narratives of their cultures, often selecting counter narratives or elaborating new ones. It is worth pointing out that much of the impetus for narrative research in general, including Fisher’s work, comes from Ð ° belief among theorists working in this area that the unexamined assumptions of narratives â€Å"conceal patterns of domination and submission, which exclude the experience of large sectors of society while legitimating and promoting those of the political, economic, and cultural elite. There is also general agreement in the literature that narrative both reproduces the existing power structures and provides Ð ° means of contesting them: If stories can be constructed to wall off the senses to the dilemmas and contradictions of social life, perhaps they also can be presented in ways that open up the mind to creative possibilities developed in ways that provoke intellectual struggle, the resolution of contradiction, and the creation of Ð ° more workable human order. More specifically, narrative theorists acknowledge that undermining existing patterns of domination cannot be achieved with concrete forms of activism alone (such as demonstrations, sit-ins, and civil disobedience) but must involve Ð ° direct challenge to the stories that sustain these patterns. As language mediators, translators and interpreters are uniquely placed to initiate this type of discursive intervention at Ð ° global level. The narrative paradigm, then, and narrative theory more generally offer Ð ° framework that† generates Ð ° sense of what is good as well as what is strictly logical in the stories that people might adopt, explaining how individuals and communities can exercise sufficient agency to imagine that â€Å"another world is possible†, to use the well known slogan of the World Social Forum, serviced by the translators and interpreters in Babels. І suggest we might rewrite this motto in the present context as â€Å"another narrative is possible†.

Organizational Management and Operations Essay - 1141 Words

Organizational Management and Operations Keith W. Porter CJA/484 Criminal Justice Administration Capstone Jamie Herring May 6, 2012 As of 2008, there are approximately 765,000 personnel employed as sworn officers in local and state law enforcement agencies throughout the United States (BJS, 2011) with an additional 105,000 law enforcement personnel in approximately 65 federal agencies as of 2004 (BJS, 2006). Law Enforcement agencies function at all levels of the government: local, state, and federal with many similarities and differences in their day-to-day operations, each responsible for specific duties and functions. These agencies have the formidable task of protecting the United States from foreign†¦show more content†¦Whether elected to their perspective office, or appointed by the mayor of the municipality, management of most local agencies is the responsibility of a Chief of Police. 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